“Justice” protecting powerful means justice denied.


Lawyer joke: “What’s the difference between a good lawyer and a great lawyer? A good lawyer knows the law; a great lawyer knows the judge.”

Washington D.C.’s June acquittal of ex-Clinton lawyer Michael Sussmann for lying to the FBI — which he did — was, in Wall Street Journal writer Kimberley Strassel’s words, a “stench” that “lingers.” Special counsel John Durham lost. But his prosecution did expose how Washington protects its own.

Prosecutor Durham            Defendant Sussmann

Here, condensed, Strassel’s indictment of insider injustice:

The 2016 Hillary Clinton campaign used the FBI to smear Donald Trump. Outside techies falsely linked Trump to Russia’s Alfa Bank. Clinton hired Fusion GPS and Christopher Steele to funnel their infamous dossier to the FBI. Legitimized by two FBI investigations, insiders dished their fake dirt to the media.

Sussmann was so tight with the FBI the bureau allowed him to edit press releases. On a first-name basis with FBI general counsel James Baker, Sussmann could text his “friend” and score a meeting within a day. Sussmann assured “Jim” he didn’t need a badge to enter the FBI — he already had one. Sussmann thus avoided questions any average Joe would face when selling wild claims to the FBI.

Rodney Joffe was a tech executive with access to classified FBI data. An FBI confidential source in 2016, Joffe created the false Trump-Russia Alfa Bank connection. His material bypassed his FBI handlers going directly to Sussmann. Joffe also used a separate FBI contact, an agent who once nominated Joffe for an award, to move his Alfa Bank data down a second path. It’s “circular reporting,” reaching separate FBI receivers to look like corroborating evidence.

The Steele dossier likewise received special handling. Steele’s own top contact was Justice Department (DOJ) senior official Bruce Ohr, whose wife worked for Clinton-contractor Fusion GPS. Ohr passed Steele’s dossier to FBI Deputy Director and Clinton pal Andy McCabe. Steele separately shopped his dossier to top State Department officials.

Getting dirt to the top made all the difference. An FBI internal message two days after Sussmann met with Baker said, “People [here] including [James Comey] are fired up about this. . . . Did you guys open a case [against Trump]? . . . Its [sic] not an option—we must do it.”

Higher officials worked their influence. Former CIA director John Brennan tipped off Senate minority leader Harry Reid about the Trump collusion charges, prompting Reid to write and leak to the media a letter containing the accusations. Comey engineered a January 2017 briefing of Trump that triggered BuzzFeed to publish the dossier. Comey memorialized his private conservations with Trump, later leaking them to provoke his mentor Robert Mueller’s appointment as special counsel. Washington media served as scribes for Steele-Fusion GPS, the FBI, and Comey.

Sussmann’s trial reeked of insider privilege. Judge Christopher Cooper worked with Sussmann at DOJ.  Attorney General Merrick Garland officiated at Cooper’s marriage to an Obama DOJ official. And Cooper refused Durham’s request to dismiss a juror whose daughter crewed with Sussmann’s child.

Thus Clinton spiraled a dirty trick into national hysteria. If Washington wants to reclaim public trust, they must realize people want one set of rules for all, not separate rules for D.C. insiders.



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